Category Archives: History

Hamza Yusuf & The Sultan: Misreadings of History to Justify Obedience to Tyrants

[By Ibn Mosharraf]

As an Ummah we are in a strange situation today. Our social media is dominated by either endless stream of tragedies. Or teeth grinding controversy.

Over the last week a video of Hamza Yusuf that was recorded way back in 2016 went viral. Provoking rage and condemnations from Muslims and spurring on his ardent followers to defend their beloved Shaykh who has been involved in a string of controversies.

Amidst all the emotionally driven polemics there have been several academic responses attempting to highlight the problems with Hamza Yusuf’s arguments and his central praxis. (1)

While Hamza Yusuf does not state it outright, his idea of political activism is giving dawah to tyrants hoping that they will change and become more Islamic. This view rooted in his idea that Kings(any King) are divinely appointed and rebellion against them incites fitnah and bloodshed. He has an explicit preference of tyrannical order over any kind of anarchy. What complicates this issue is the fact that this view is seemingly rooted in the classical Sunni scholarly consensus.

The issue is a bit more complex. While one can find most Ulema of the Salaf to be not in favor of armed revolts, Imam Abu Hanifa (rahimahullah) was noted to have supported revolts against the Umayyads. (2)

This discrepancy exists due to a lot of reasons. However the main reason for the Ulema of the Ahlus Sunnah to become more wary of armed revolts was due to a series of tragedies that happened during the course of the Ummayad rule. Such as the rebellion lead by Ibn Al-Ash’ath where many scholars perished. (3)

This discussion is a complex matter which we hope to address at a later time.

For now we will focus on an essential point that is being missed in these conversations which we tried to address in our last article. (4)

We will attempt to expand on that in this article by focusing on two issues.

  1. The idea of political quietism.
  2. The context of the scholarly fatwas against rebellion.

In response to terror movements like AQ or ISIS, scholars have attempted to endear themselves to the West (and their proxies) by instituting a systematic normalization of the idea that we are in the Makkan phase and we should be law-abiding citizens perpetually. This line of argument is used to justify Hamza Yusuf’s controversial statements and his involvement in state sponsored programs. (5)

When one looks at these developments with a fresh and unbiased perspective after reading the Seerah, the arguments made by Hamza Yusuf and his followers will seem preposterous. And this so called fiqh of minorities is rather contentious to say the least.

Muslims in Makkah were actively calling upon the Polytheists to become Muslims and establish Dar Al Islam.

Prophet Muhammad(ﷺ) did not talk about how we should refrain from giving dawah because it might incite fitnah.

Neither did Isa(عليه السلام) when the Romans were cracking down on his followers.

Prophet Muhammad(ﷺ) did not hold interfaith dialogues with the Quraysh.

Hadhrat Ibrahim (عليه السلام) did the same with the Mushriks of his time.

Prophet Muhammad(ﷺ) did not say the Quraysh are a tolerant nation or a paragon of human values while they oppressed Muslims.

Neither did Nabi Musa (عليه السلام) endorse the Firaun when he was oppressing the Jews.

It’s one thing to decontextualize these fatwas and attempt an ad-hoc justification of certain positions such getting involved in state sponsored programs.

It’s another thing entirely when one looks at these fatwas within context.

Classical scholars lived under rulers who implemented the Shariah. At least that is our understanding from the readings of the texts we have at hand today.

Ibn Taymiyyah’s fatwas which are used by Salafi Jihadists specifically apply to Mongolian rulers who purported the Islamic faith but didn’t really practice or implement Islam. (6)(7) (8)

Similarly in Imam Abu Hanifa (rahimahullah)’s case many Ummayad policies were not just questionable but outright oppressive. It is also likely that Imam Abu Hanifa’s views were influenced the Tābi’een scholars who were more in favor of dethroning tyrants.

By the time Imam Abu Hanifa’s students gained prominence the Abbasid “Revolution” had come to pass and Islamic rule was relatively stable. Additionally with the tragedies that had happened in the years prior, scholars were more inclined to discourage armed revolts. And even so, while scholars actively discouraged armed rebellions they also were quite wary about their involvement with the ruling class. It was only during the Ottoman Era when scholars started actively involving themselves in the state bureaucracy which subsequently had it’s fair share of issues. (9)

Regardless, the Maqasid of discouraging armed revolts lies in the desire to maintain unity and strength against external enemies.

This doesn’t just apply to the Sultan’s subjects but the Sultan himself as well.

Scholars always advised the Rulers to have a reconciliatory approach towards rebels. Imam Muhammad Hasan Al Shaybani (rahimahullah) has a detailed treatise on the treatment of rebels. (10)

And it was adopted by many Sultans and Amirs of the Muslim provinces for the most part. Sultans would often try to reconcile with rebels by giving them rights and appointing them in government posts.

The deeper problem in our discourses today is the conflation of armed revolts with Revolutions.

Revolutions can be non-violent. The majority of the revolts in Muslim Emirates throughout history were not revolutionary in the truest sense. And what Prophet Muhammad(ﷺ) lead in Makkah can arguably be described as a revolution.

The intrigues, coups and revolts in Islamic history were not geared towards systematic change as much securing rights from an existing system.

Mamluks and Janissaries had notoriously lead many of these rebellions and coups. But they never sought to change the established order. Rather the aim was restoration of what was perceived to be an ideal Islamic order. Their respective orders were abolished by reformist Sultans instead who sought to modernize the state. The modern pattern of state crackdown on perceived rebels i.e. the pathological Madhkalism and dehumanization of rebels, can be traced to these events. The centralization and increasing dominance of the state institutions in many ways were more revolutionary than the armed revolts themselves. The elimination of the Mamluks and Janissary orders is widely celebrated for the dissolution of stagnant and outdated “institutions”. However, we tend to overlook how much dominance the state institution was establishing in the hearts and minds of people to the point where slaughter of Muslims(or Non-Muslims) is not only overlooked, but celebrated. (11) (12)

Many Muslim commentators today don’t realize the fact these measures actually paved a role in the Europeanization i.e. Colonization of Muslim societies.

And as fate would have it, these dynasties did not last long.

Taking Hamza Yusuf’s point about Allah humiliating people, it is probably because of their cumulative brutality is why neither the progeny of Ibrahim Pasha or Mahmud II managed to maintain their rule for long. Abd Al Malik Bin Umayr once said,

“I walked into the court of Ubaid Allah Bin Ziyad and I saw the head of Al Hussein. And not too long after I walked into the court of Mukhtar Al Thaqafi and I saw the head of Ubaid Allah Bin Ziyad and then I remember walking into the court of Musab Ibn Zubayr and I saw the head of Mukhtar Al Thaqafi and then I walked into the court of Abd Al Malik Ibn Marwan and I saw the head of Musab Inb Zubair.” (13)

The tyrant’s dynasty is always cursed for it’s injustice and eventually it faces humiliation for it’s deeds. And it’s probably why the progeny of the once great Mughal and Ottoman dynasties find themselves to be barely relevant in modernity. Something that we think our Ulema should be discussing more often when they give Naseeha to our modern day rulers.

All that aside, Hamza Yusuf’s public speeches and the rhetoric of his followers are always geared towards admonishing Palestinians or Syrians or the Ummah in general for their apparent lack of Imaan or Taqwa. There never has been any focused or targeted critique of Muhammad Bin Zayed and Muhammad Bin Salman and their collective policies to this day. The blame is always on the Muslims because we lack civil society or knowledge of fiqh.

This is not political quietism. This is active involvement in a certain kind of politics. And not the good kind.

And this is where we see the deficiency in our modern Ulema. They have internalized this narrative of victim blaming and have established the perpetual failure to understand the lessons to be taken from the political and strategic decisions made by Muslims as scholarly wisdom.

Theology and Fiqh should not be used analyze why Revolutions failed, at least Theology and Fiqh should not be the central part of our discussions. Analyzing the reasons for failure should be centered on geopolitics and military strategies. Theology and Fiqh should only be used to remind the Muslims of Qadr and to remind them that we cannot be merciless like our enemies.

The Ulema involved in the Syrian Revolution were just as qualified as Hamza Yusuf, if not more. Many Ulema including Hamza Yusuf backed the Syrian Revolution in it’s initial stages. (14)

No one was talking about lack of taqwa of lack of knowledge regarding fiqh at that time.

So why did the Syrian Revolution fail?

  • Brute force bombing by American coalition who claimed to fight ISIS.
  • Rebel Infighting fueled by the Salafi Jihadists and ISIS
  • Assassination of capable forward thinking Leaders

This is the shortest summary I can provide you for one of the most brutal, complex and downright depressing events of this Ummah. Right up there with Karbala and the Mongol Massacres.

Ilm, Taqwa, Imaan, etc are developed through a continuous process. It requires time and patience. But that doesn’t mean that we abandon everything and focus on personal development alone. Rizq comes from Allah. But we don’t just sit in the masjid and make dua, do we? We supplement our Ibadah with material efforts.

So taking all these things into consideration, one will be naturally confused as to how theology or fiqh, as defined by Hamza Yusuf—i.e personal development—fits into this discussion.

The First Fitnah, the Second fitnah, the Abbasid “Revolution”, the Ummayad conquests in Andalus, the eventual loss of Andalus and the establishment of the Ottomans and their eventual dissolution, existence of Civil Societies are merely incidental. They cannot be causes or effects of anything.

If one were to look at the contemporary accounts these societies at the time when Islamic dynasties established themselves, they will realize that those nomadic communities hardly had any hallmarks of an imagined Civil Society.

If anything scholars often accused civil society of engaging in decadence that brought about instability and weaknesses. This is quite clearly illustrated in Ibn Khaldun’s Cycle of Civilizations. (15)

Whether it’s the Andalusian Emirates or the Mughal Sultanate or the Ottoman realms during their twilight, civil society have shown themselves to be willing aiders and abetters of colonial powers.

Omar Mukhtar said during his trial “The people of cities hated me because I brought them bad luck, and I hated them because they did not help the cause of their religion, for which alone I fought”. (16)

It has held true throughout history. Whether it’s the slaughter of Imam Hussain (radhiyallahu anhu), the Reconquista of Andalus, the Mongol onslaught into Muslim lands, the humiliation of the Mughal dynasty or the brutal assassination of Osman II, Selim III and Abdul Aziz.

And the abolishment of the Ottoman Caliphate itself.

Civil Society have always shown themselves to be weak in times of trial.

And all that aside, Modern Day Syrians and Palestinians are relatively civilized. Hamza Yusuf and his followers may point to the presence of bars and clubs, but anyone who lives in a Muslim Majority country knows that people who go these places are not representatives of the Muslim population at large. Furthermore these secular elitists are often Assad supporters or whatever tyrant is keeping their purses filled.

Some Muslims have appropriated the rhetoric of the Western Ideologues and often say something along the lines of Norway being comparable to the Caliphate of Umar Ibn Abdul Aziz. (17)

But factually speaking, the Western Civil Societies we see today is built on top of colonialism, genocide and brutal civil wars.

Two perfect examples are the English civil wars in the 17th Century and the brutal French Revolution. Today England and France boast themselves to be among the representatives of modernity and progress. But how did they get to this point? Was their success really established through “civil societies”?

Not really.

Neither of these countries were examples of civil societies and even today their virulent racism, brutality and intolerance often comes to the surface.


The idea of obedient citizens who abide by law can eliminate oppression is problematic. This has never been the case in history at any point in time.

If the Germans were more disobedient rather than obedient citizens, the massacre of the Jews probably could have been averted. Today, if Indians didn’t let their conscience be drowned the meta-narrative of national integrity or whatever, Kashmiris wouldn’t be in the situation they are in today. Neither would be the Assamese or the other minorities who are increasingly at risk in India today.

And the idea that Syrians and Palestinians are not capable of forming bus lines is not only offensive but reveals deeply prejudiced perceptions of the Eastern World. Further exacerbated by diaspora Muslims who have internalized a lot prejudices against their countries of origin.

Hamza Yusuf might have stated this as a rhetoric. But it is still deeply offensive and reveals his deficiency in not only understanding politics but his inability to recognize modern social trends. It is a consistent pattern. (18)

Another thing that gets overlooked by Hamza Yusuf’s followers is consistent attempt at normalizing secularism in Muslim discourses. He has been quite virulent in his opposition to the Caliphate. (19)

It all circles back to the defensive stances that scholars have adopted to distance themselves from ISIS. And honestly, it’s an illustration of the fact that our modern Ulema had lost the war long before it even began.

We end this article with these questions.

  1. Why is the Iman and Taqwa of the oppressed that is always scrutinized?
  2. Dictatorships didn’t come to power through civil society. None of the modern States did including United States of America. Why and How is Civil Society a precursor for any Revolution?
  3. Has there been any instance of Hamza Yusuf or any Western Ulema systematically lobbying for the freedom of scholars who are being jailed by the Saudi regime(or any other autocratic regime)?
  4. Are the Ulema who are attending the state sponsored programs really following the Sunnah?
  5. What dividends have these Peace Conferences brought forth other than token charities?
  6. What will learning fiqh and theology do if there is no concerted effort at political change?
  7. Why is Hamza Yusuf’s attempt at normalizing Western(i.e. kufr) Concepts of governance overlooked by his followers?

Works Cited

  1. Shaykh Hamza Yusuf And The Question of Rebellion In The Islamic Tradition available at:
  2. Imam Abu Hanifah (d. 148 A.H.) – Regarding Rebellion Against Unjust Rulers available at:
  3. The revolt of ‘Abd Al-Rahman Ibn Al-Ash’ath: It’s nature and causes. Available at:
  4. Hamza Yusuf & The Sultan: A Case Study in the Misuse of Prophetic Traditions. Available at:
  5. On the Theology of Obedience: An Analysis of Shaykh Bin Bayyah and Shaykh Hamza Yusuf’s Political Thought. Available at:
  6. Jihad and the Mongols available at:
  7. Ibn Taymiyyah: His Anti-Mongol epistle post the second campaign of Mahmud Ghazan Khan available at:
  8. The Mongol Invasions of Bilād al-Shām by Ghāzān Khān and Ibn Taymīyah’s Three “Anti-Mongol” Fatwas. Available at:
  9. Guardians of Faith in Modern Times: ʻulamaʼ in the Middle East. p.37
  10. The Status of Rebels in Islamic Law. Available at :
  11. Mamluks in the Modern Egyptian Mind: Changing the Memory of the Mamluks, 1919-1952 p.27
  12. Osman’s dream. Pg 359
  13. Karbala: Myths and Reality. Available at:
  14. Profiles of Syrian Sunni Clerics in the Uprising. Available at:
  15. Ibn Khaldun on Luxury and the Destruction of Civilizations. Available at:
  16. Libya:
    The Secret Proceedings in the Italians Trial of Libyan Mujahed Omar al-Mukhtar. Available at:
  17. Concept of Islamic State is a fantasy | Sh. Hamza Yusuf Available at:
  18. U.S. Muslim cleric Hamza Yusuf calls Trump ‘a servant of God’ during racist rant against Black Lives Matter. Available at:
  19. Hamza Yusuf: Islam Does not Need a Khilafah. Available at:

اورنگ زیب عالمگیر کون تھے؟

✏ فضیل احمد ناصری

شاہ جہاں کے فرزندوں میں ایک نمایاں نام عالم گیرؒ کا ہے۔ یہ اپنے خاندانی مغلیہ سلطنت کے سب سے بہتر بادشاہ تھے۔ دین دار اور علم دوست۔ تقویٰ اور طہارت میں مثالی۔ اصل نام ابوالمظفر محی الدین تھا۔ لقب اورنگ زیب۔ مگر نام سے زیادہ لقب سے شہرت پائی۔ آج سے چار سو سال قبل 1618 میں پیدا ہوئے اور 1707 میں وفات پائی۔ ولادت گجرات کے داہود میں ہے اور انتقال مہاراشٹر کے احمد نگر میں۔ تدفین اورنگ آباد کے قریب خلد آباد میں ہوئی ۔

مغلیہ سلطنت کا بانی ظہیر الدین بابر تھا۔ اس کا بیٹا تھا نصیرالدین ہمایوں۔ اس کے بیٹے کا نام جلال الدین اکبر تھا۔ نور الدین جہاں گیر اسی کا فرزند تھا۔ جہاں گیر کا بیٹا شاہ جہاں تھا، اورنگ زیب عالمگیر اسی کے بیٹے تھے۔

اورنگ زیب رحمہ اللہ نے اس ملک پر پچاس برس حکومت کی۔ اس وقت کا ہندوستان آج کا ہندوستان نہ تھا۔ پاکستان اسی کا حصہ تھا اور بنگلہ دیش بھی۔ اورنگ زیب نے نظامِ سلطنت جس چابک دستی سے چلایا وہ اپنی مثال آپ ہے۔ ان کی بہت سی یادگاریں آج بھی زندہ ہیں۔

وہ مدارس کے بڑے شوقین تھے۔ ان کے عہد میں بے شمار تعلیم گاہیں کھلیں۔ دہلی کا جامعہ رحیمیہ انہیں کے دور کی یادگار ہے۔ ان کے بڑے کارناموں میں سے ایک *فتاویٰ عالمگیری* بھی ہے۔ فقہ و فتاویٰ پر مشتمل یہ کتاب انہیں کی سرپرستی میں تیار ہوئی۔ اس کی ترتیب کے لیے ملک کے طول و عرض سے پچاس سے زیادہ جید علما نے اپنی خدمات پیش کی ہیں۔ اورنگ زیب عالمگیر نے اس کا ہر ہر جز باقاعدہ سنا ہے اور ضروری پڑا تو اس میں ترمیم بھی کی ہے۔ یہ کتاب جہاں ان کی محبتِ دینی کا منہ بولتا ثبوت ہے، وہیں ان کی علمی شان و شوکت اور فقیہانہ بصیرت کی بھی غمازی کرتی ہے۔

وہ قرآنِ کریم کے اچھے حافظ بھی تھے۔ انہوں نے تحفیظ القرآن کی سعادت بچپن میں نہیں، ادھیڑ عمر میں حاصل کی۔ وہ بھی اس وقت، جب ان کی زندگی کی 47 ویں بہار چل رہی تھی ۔اس کے ساتھ ہی وہ بہترین خوش نویس بھی تھے اور یہی خوش نویسی ان کا ذریعۂ معاش بھی تھی۔ اپنے ہاتھ سے قرآن لکھتے اور اس کے ہدیے سے گزر اوقات کرتے۔ دارالعلوم دیوبند میں ان کے ہاتھ کے لکھے قرآن کے چند پارے آج بھی موجود ہیں۔ قرآن کے ساتھ ایسا شغف آپ نے کسی بادشاہ میں دیکھا ہے؟ گزر اوقات کے لیے ایک دوسرا مشغلہ ٹوپی کی بنائی بھی تھی۔

اورنگ زیبؒ نے حکومت سے کبھی تنخواہ نہ لی۔ سلطانِ وقت ہو کر بھی انتہائی فقیرانہ اور سادہ زندگی گزاری۔ کھانا پینا بھی انتہائی سادہ ہوتا۔ اس سلسلے کا یہ واقعہ ضرور پڑھنا چاہیے:

عالم گیرؒ کے ذاتی مطبخ کا باورچی ٹکتا نہیں تھا۔ چند دن کے بعد اپنا تبادلہ لنگر خانے میں کرا لیتا تھا۔ ایک من چلا باورچی تھا، اس نے سوچا: کیا بات ہے کوئی باورچی بادشاہ کے یہاں ٹکتا نہیں؟ میں دیکھوں گا۔ اس نے درخواست دی: حضور! میں آپ کا کھانا پکانا چاہتا ہوں۔ عالم گیر نے فرمایا: ہمارے یہاں کوئی باورچی ٹکتا نہیں، تو بھی چند دن میں بھاگ جائے گا۔ اس نے وعدہ کیا کہ میں ہرگز نہیں جاؤں گا۔ چناں چہ بادشاہ نے اس کو رکھ لیا۔ اس نے دیکھا کہ نپا تلا کھانا پکتا ہے۔ آدھا گھر میں چلا جاتا ہے اور آدھا بادشاہ کے سامنے۔ دیگچی میں کچھ نہیں بچتا۔ جب روز کا یہ معمول دیکھا تو تنگ آ گیا، مگر وہ یہ تو نہیں کہہ سکتا تھا کہ میرا تبادلہ لنگر خانے میں کر دیا جائے۔ اس نے سوچا کہ بادشاہ کو پریشان کرو تاکہ وہ ناراض ہو کر بھگا دے۔ بادشاہ کے یہاں شام کو ایک سیر کھچڑی پکتی تھی۔ آدھی گھر میں جاتی تھی اور آدھی بادشاہ کے سامنے۔ ایک دن اس نے کھچڑی میں نمک نہیں ڈالا۔ بادشاہ نے جب لقمہ لیا تو باورچی کی طرف دیکھا، مگر کچھ نہیں کہا۔ نمک بھی نہیں مانگا۔ پھیکی کھچڑی کھا لی۔ باورچی نے سوچا: بادشاہ کو پھیکی کھچڑی اچھی لگتی ہے۔ اور جو پھیکا کھا سکتا ہے وہ تیز نمک والا نہیں کھا سکتا۔ چناں چہ اگلے دن ڈبل نمک ڈال دیا۔ بادشاہ نے ایک لقمہ کھا کر پھر باورچی کو دیکھا اور کچھ نہیں کہا۔ کھچڑی کھا لی ۔ جب باورچی برتن اٹھانے آیا تو اس سے کہا: کل ڈیڑھ سیر کھچڑی پکانا! اور جتنی گھر میں جاتی ہے اتنی گھر میں بھیجنا، باقی میرے پاس لانا۔ بادشاہ نے حسبِ معمول آدھی کھچڑی کھائی اور آدھی بچ گئی۔ جب باورچی برتن اٹھانے آیا تو اس سے کہا: یہ ہمارا بچا ہوا تبرک ہے، اس کے نو حصے کرو اور ہمارے نو رتنوں (وزیروں) کو ہدیہ پہونچاؤ! باورچی نے اس تبرک کے نو حصے کیے اور خوب سجائے۔ وزیروں کو جب معلوم ہوا کہ آج بادشاہ کا بچا ہوا کھانا ہدیہ آ رہا ہے تو ہر وزیر نے آگے بڑھ کر اس کا استقبال کیا اور باورچی کو ایک ایک لاکھ روپیہ ہدیہ دیا۔ جب باورچی فارغ ہو گیا تو بادشاہ نے پوچھا: ارے ہمارے وزیروں نے تجھے کچھ دیا بھی؟ اس نے کہا: حضور! اتنا دیا ہے کہ میری سات پشتوں تک کے لیے کافی ہے۔ عالم گیرؒ نے فرمایا: پھر نمک ٹھیک ڈالا کرو۔ (تحفۃ الالمعی، ج 5،ص 192،93)

ملا موہن بہاری کا یہ تربیت یافتہ، ملا جیون کا یہ شاگرد، یہ مردِ قلن

The Fifteen Century Hijri

The dawn of the fifteenth century of Hijri today tends its air throughout the world. The Hijri Calendar began with the migration of the Holy Prophet (Sallallahu alayhi wasallam). Normally, every era is reckoned from the birth or death of any great personality or a victory gained or the establishment of kingdom. It is noteworthy, however, that the Religion of the Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) was not named after him; rather the name of his Religion speaks of his Message. Islam is not the name of any person: it means a conscious decision to submit oneself to God. The same characteristic is to be found in the nomenclature of its Calendar: it does not begin with the birth of any great personage, not even that of the last Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) whom Muslims love and revere only next to God.

The Calendar of Islam neither begins with the birth of the Prophet, nor with his death, but instead with his migration. This means that whenever a new Islamic century begins, it brings a Message for you. It does not remind you of any person or class of persons, but refreshes your memory of the great cause for which the Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) left his hearth and home to settle down in a new city. It was undoubtedly a great cause — a great Message — which took him there, not meant for the safety of his own life nor that of his Companions. The step was taken to preserve and deliver the Message of God to the whole of mankind. The advent of this century, then reminds us that even those things which we hold dearest can be given up for the sake of a great cause. The incident it conjures in our minds was one of the most daring steps ever taken in the annals of the world. It also gives up hope and courage by demonstrating that whatever the hardships and adverse circumstances be and, however great the opposition may be, if a cause is meant for the good of humanity and it is pursued with sincerity and resolute will, it is bound to live and thrive and ultimately succeed in achieving its end.

Thus, the fifteenth century of the Islamic era is not a Message of hope for Muslims alone; it is a gospel for the whole of mankind, especially for those who have anything to offer for the good of humanity and who also want to strive for it.

So will this century prove a blessing for Muslims and humanity, at large, or will it be a calamity? This cannot be predicted at present. These are things that are determined by God. But there are also truths pointed out by the Qur’an which remain unchanged for ever. One of these truth is:

That man hath only that for which he maketh effort. [Qur’an]

Man gets only that in his life of the world and in the Hereafter for which he strives and makes an effort. Verily, he can lay claim only to the efforts made by him and to the outcome of such an effort. God further says in the same context:

And that his effort will be seen. [Qur’an]

What God says is really a heartening Message for the whole of mankind. It means that in every time and clime, the efforts made by man will bear fruit. Anyone who strives for any cause will see the result of his efforts.

And afterward he will be repaid for it with fullest payment. [Qur’an]

The promise made for the outcome of human effort, as spoken of in the above verses, is really a Message of hope for mankind. Iqbal has alluded to the same fact in one of his couplets in which he says:

Effort fashions the life, makes it heaven or hell;

Man, by nature, is neither a saint nor a devil.

I would substitute the word ‘century’ for man in this couplet. This also applies to the ongoing fifteenth century as well as to the centuries that are past: they were neither a blessing nor a curse. The virtue or vice of a century depends on the effort made by man. We cannot foretell whether a century, a year, a month or even a day or a moment is auspicious or inauspicious. Islam does not admit to any such theory of luckiness or ill-fetedness of time as found in other nations which have been deprived of the guidance of God’s Prophets (sallallahu alayhi wasallam). To say that the this century will be propitious for the Muslim nation or that it will bring ill-luck and dishonour to any people is not the Islamic way of thought. There is nothing in the scripture or the traditions of the Prophet to support such predictions. Actually, the vary prognostication about time is highly injurious to human effort. If a man were to know beforehand that the approaching hour was inauspicious for him, he would cease to make any effort or he would indolent become irresolute and indolent.

The last Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) of God plucked out superstition and credulity (peace be upon him) by its root and branch. Once there was an eclipse of the sun during the Prophet’s life time or, perhaps, it was willed by God for the guidance of the Prophet’s followers. The Prophet’s (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) son Ibrahim had died a short prior to this. This was the time when ignorance and superstition pervaded the entire world and its vestiges still lingered on in Arabia. The bereavement suffered by the Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) was highly emotional. So much so that some Muslims came out with the comment: “the sun has been affected by the bereavement of the Prophet (peace be upon him).” Any other religious leader or founder of a movement would have kept rather quiet at this instead of contradicting such an innocent remark. The Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) however, was not party to this rumour, one which actually enhanced his prestige and influence. The people themselves had thought of it and, therefore, it was not incumbent on him to disclaim the notion. There is though a difference between a Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) of God and a worldly leader of people. The very things which are considered advantageous by worldly-minded people and political leaders are treated as infidelity by the Messengers of God. I do not know if anyone else has given such a good account of himself as the Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) of Islam. Of course, we might come across similar examples of rectitude among the others Prophets (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) but it would be difficult to find a similar example among political leaders. The Holy Prophet addressed his followers, saying:

The sun and the moon are two of the signs of God. They do not undergo an eclipse on the life or death of human beings.

The Prophet made it clear that the view some people had expressed was wrong. The sun and moon are governed by another law which takes no notice of the death or any other happening connected with any man, however great he may be. If the Prophet (sallallahu alayhi wasallam) had remained silent, nothing untoward would have happened. At the most it would have been taken as the spontaneous expression of love and affection or the result of the overcredulousness of certain persons, but the Prophet (peace be upon him) of God could not condone such superstitious ideas. He immediately rejected it as if declaring to posterity : “No, no! My family and my progeny has nothing to do with it. The universe created by God is much more important than my family, and the Lord of the world is independent of all creations. His Law is above everything else.” This was the Prophetic guidance meant for the intellectual development of the human race. There is no doubt that human intelligence is much more important than the human species. It is man’s intellect which rules over the human race: the human race cannot claim to have superiority over the intellect of man. The remark made in connection with the Prophet’s (peace be upon him) son amounted to a waywardness in human intellect and therefore it was dangerous. It needed to be set right there and then.

No century can be branded as auspicious or inauspicious. Take the example of a tumbler. If it is empty, you cannot say that it is good or bad. Its goodness or badness depends on the thing contained by it. In the same way, it depends on our own efforts whether this century is propitious or doomful for us.

I would like to cite three examples in this connection. Two of the centuries I will mention here began in a very somber and gloomy mood but we do not find that the then historians and writers lamenting or grieving at its oncoming. Ibn Athir and Ibn Kathir, in their writings, show us the reactions of the Islamic world to the beginning of the seventh century. Storm petrels at that time were clear enough to predict that the oncoming century would be gloomy and sinister not only for the Muslims or the Islamic world but for the entire world at large. The century began with such a horrible incident that Ibn Athir (d.638/1239) said:

“If anyone were to claim that no such happening has come to pass since the days of Adam to this day, he would not be incorrect, for history does not record any incident even half so disastrous.”

I am referring here to the onslaught of the Tartars in 616/1219 against the strongest Muslim Kingdom of Khwarizam Shah. The seventh century of the Islamic era and the thirteenth Christian century had just begun when the Tartars rose as a tempest and swept away the whole of the Islamic world. They pulled down entire cities in Turkistan and Iran and raised minarets of human skulls to announce their victory. Flourishing cities were turned into graveyards.

It appeared to all intents and purposes that Christianity would emerge successful in this contest. The Tartars had not fought their battles against the Christians and a number of Genghis Khan’s sons had taken Christian wives. Christian clergymen had also gained entry into the courts of Mongol warlords. It thus appeared to be a foregone conclusion that the Mongols would ultimately embrace Christianity. But, do you know what happened finally? Let me quote Arnold:

But Islam was to rise again from the ashes of the former grandeur and through its preachers won over these savage conquerors to the acceptance of the faith.

“In spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage tribes that followed in their wake were at length bought to submit to the faith of the Muslim peoples whom they had crushed beneath their feet.

That century which began with a most inauspicious incident — if there is a word like inauspicious in a dictionary of Islam — became a century of luminous victory while the world stared wide-eyed at such a turn of events. The Mongols, whose swords were still dyed with Muslim blood, became followers of Islam. Such previously had been the animosity of the Mongols against the Muslims that Howarth writes in the History of the Mongols that:

So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly brought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by the neck at the tail of a horse as showing how the Mongol horsemen behaved towards the Muslims”.

The fact is that the Muslims had then lost everything except their Faith in God. They had not lost their trust and conviction in God, nor their inner strength of spirit. So the question becomes, who suffered the defeat? I would say — with regret — that unworthy Muslim Kings had been put to rout and a sickly and weak Muslim society had been humbled. As for Islam, it remained where it was; it was never thrown out of court. The Muslims considered the Mongols as invincible because their swords had rusted or broken. The Tartars proved their valour by their superior military organisation. They had not fallen to a life of ease and comfort like the Muslims who wallowed in an excess of wealth. They were still fresh, had vigour and could undergo hardship like the early Arab conquerors who came out of the desert to subdue the world. No power could face them merely with the munitions of war.

Then, who prevailed over the Tartars? Who won them over to Islam? Those who had the power of spirit came forward in this hour of crisis and surrounding gloom and made them enter the fold of Islam within half a century of their conquests. We have innumerable examples of individuals, families and tribes, even the entire inhabitants of a city, embracing Islam but there are only three or four instances when a whole people came to the threshold of Islam. The Arabs were the first to accept Islam enmasse. The Afghans were also converted to Islam as a people and then the Tartars and Turks accepted Islam as a people. But it is a riddle of history — and I am myself astounded at it — that no historian has been able to bring to light the names of those persons who succeeded in converting a whole people to Islam. It was an event which turned the course of history, but why do we not know who those missionaries of Islam were? Why did these people never allowed their names to be mentioned?

This reminds me of another incident recorded by history. When Madayn, the capital of Persia, was conquered, a Muslim soldier, found the crown of Chosroes. He hid it under his garment and brought it to S’ad bin Waqqas, the Commander of the Muslim army, as if he was stealthily taking away something very costly. Then handing over the crown to his Commander he said: “O Amir, it appears to be costly. I am giving it to you to be deposited in the Treasury”. The Commander stared open mouthed at his infantryman for he was himself astounded to see the crown, studded with costly jewels. He was still more amazed to see that the poor man had brought it instead of keeping it with him. S’ad asked the soldier’s name but he turned his back and replied: “He knows my name for whose sake I have brought it here.” And then he departed without caring to know his Commander’s comment.

This incident relates to one man only. But I believe that all those people who enabled the Tartars to accept the Faith of Islam acted in a similar manner. So far, I have only been able to search out the names of two people so involved and this after turning thousands of pages on the subject. One of these was the pure hearted Amir Tuzaun who occupied the office of Prime Minister in the court of a Tartar King of Iraq. Being a man of God, he always tried to advise the King to take the path of virtue and goodness. His efforts bore fruit and the inhabitants of Baghdad saw one Friday that King Ghazan and his courtiers were entering the mosque with rosaries in their hands.

Another man was Shaikh Jamaluddin whose unfathomable sincerity, perfection of spirit and well-intentioned sympathy for the savage Tartars succeeded in converting its Chaghtai branch, known as the middle Kingdom, which ruled over Kashghar. Once the Shaikh was going somewhere these were the days when the Tartars treated the Iranians as an inferior stock and lost no opportunity to humiliate them and unwittingly trespassed the game-preserve of the Crown Prince who was out hunting that day. The Tartars were a superstitious folk who took ill of any trespass in the game-preserve. The Shaikh was immediately apprehended and produced before an angry Prince. He had his dog beside him. When he saw the Iranian Shaikh, he asked: “Are you better than this dog?” The Shaikh remained cool and quietly replied: “If I do not die with my Faith intact, I would certainly be worse than the dog.” Struck by this unexpected reply, the Prince asked further what the Shaikh meant by Faith. The Shaikh explained how man’s ultimate end in the hereafter depended on having a sound Faith in God. Think of the confidence and courage it would have taken to give this answer to an autocrat Prince. Consider what a conviction the Shaikh had in life after death and his dependence on Faith in God. His sincerity of purpose and his strength of conviction was not lost, for the Prince, who was to shortly, ascend the throne replied: “I cannot do anything now, but meet me when I have taken the sceptre in my hand”. This story has been related by a number of Persian historians and is also included by Arnold in his Preaching of Islam.

Shaikh Jamaluddin now awaited the Prince’s coronation, but he died before the event came to pass. At this death-bed, the Shaikh bade his son Rashid Uddin complete the task left unfinished by him. He told his son to go to the Prince, after he had ascended the throne, and remind him of his promise. Rashid Uddin did as he was bidden by his late father, but it was not easy to gain access to the King. He was not allowed to enter the royal palace, but he did not lose heart and waited for an opportunity to complete the task left unfinished by his father. He took up residence under a tree by the side of the royal palace, performing Prayers and giving call for them at the appointed hours. One early morning, he began to chant the call to Prayers in his sonorous voice and this disturbed the slumbering King. He ordered the guards to produce the man before him. This was the opportunity Rashid Uddin had been seeking. In reply to the King’s interrogation, Rashid Uddin referred to the conversation the King had had with his father. He told him that he had asked his father if the latter was better than a dog. He had then replied that it all depended on whether or not he died with his Faith in God. “Now, the matter has been decided,” said Rashid Uddin, “for my father has actually died with full conviction and trust in his Lord.”

The King recalled the conversation and called for his Prime Minister. Taking him into his confidence, he recounted the story to the Prime Minister and said that he intended to embrace Islam. The Prime Minister replied that he had already accepted that Faith but had kept it a secret. Other ministers were also summoned and they all agreed to follow the King in accepting the new Faith.

The Tartars were rulers but they hardly had any religion, culture, arts or sciences worth the name. They accepted Islam and promulgated the law of Islam:

Allah is the host of the heavens and the earth, and Allah is ever Mighty, Wise. 

There is hardly any  doubt that all this happened according to the pre-determined Will of God Almighty. The Tartars were a simple-minded people who could not have run the administration of their vast conquests, of countries which were way ahead of them in terms of culture and civilisation. They had, at the most, a code of criminal law whereas they needed men to run the administration, keep the canals flowing, organise the revenue administration and the like. They were bound to take the help of Muslims who could assist the running of the administration. In this way, the Muslims impressed the superiority of Islamic cultural attainments on the minds of their new rulers. Thus, it was only Faith that remained to be borrowed by the Tartar rulers from their functionaries, and ultimately they succumbed to the charm of Islam.

Shortly after the acceptance of Islam by Tughluq Timur Khan in Iran, all the Tartar tribes in that country followed suit. The Tartars in Iraq had already embraced Islam through the efforts of Amir Tuzaun. Historians are on record that the way the Tartars accepted Islam in those days resembled the falling of the beads of a broken rosary. It was all the accomplishment of Muslim missionaries, scholars and pious men whose sincerity and perfection of spirit was beyond doubt. History bears witness to the fact that they worked ceaselessly behind the scenes without anyone coming to know of their efforts until they changed the course of events. The millions of Tartars who accepted Islam will be witness to the greatest service rendered by these men of God when they rise again on Day of Judgement.

I have spoken first of a century which began with dreadful forebodings of death and destruction for Islam but one where the Muslims did not yield to despair. Although they lost an empire they did not lose heart. Empires can be lost ten times and won in the eleventh attempt, but the heart once lost can seldom be regained. The votaries of Islam continued their efforts silently without any fanfare. I do not know if they ever formed any organisation or society for the conversion of the Tartars, or if they publicised the benefits accruing from their acceptance of Islam, or the effects of the re-establishment of the ascendancy of Muslims. Nothing of this sort, as far as I am aware, was done by them. Those who engaged themselves in the task continued their efforts so silently that even other Muslims did not know what was happening. Then, suddenly, everyone was amazed to find that the entire Tartar nation had accepted Islam.

The illustration I have given here pertained to the seventh century of the Islamic era, that is, the thirteenth Christian century. A century whose beginning was so terrifying that it scared the Muslims to death. God forbid, if they had also lost conviction in their Faith, there was every likelihood of their undergoing cultural and intellectual apostasy even if they had not abjured their Faith in Islam. Yet nothing of the kind took place; there was no cultural or intellectual apostasy, much less a renunciation of Islam.

I will now look at another illustration, namely the tenth century (the sixteenth century of the Christian era). I will not take you to any other country of the vast Islamic world, but instead refer to India which was then about to overthrow the ascendancy of Islam. Apparently, it looked as if the die had been cast and the change over was just a matter of a few days. You can examine the prease details of it in the many books written about it. The then world had two Muslim empires, that of the Ottoman Turks in Asia Minor and the Middle East and the other was headed by the Moghuls in this sub-continent. Iran’s Safawid Kingdom occupied third place. The ruler of this country was young, energetic, intelligent and courageous and had won a number of brilliant victories. He happened to have among his courtiers a few talented scholars or rather master spirits of the age, among them Faizi and Abul Fazl. They lent support to a movement designed to replace the grip of Islam over India by the Din-i-Ilahi of Akbar euphemistically given the name of “universal toleration”, but really meant to positively prohibit essential Muslim rites.

This was a dangerous union of material power and intellectual acumen or rather a deep laid conspiracy by an autocratic power in unison with latitudinarian thought so for as to oust Islam. We rarely come across another examples of this nature. It was then openly preached that the first millennium of the Islamic era was to come to an end with the tenth century, that a thousand years were more than enough for any religion. A number of Iranian and Indian scholars, lacking any awe of God or having little knowledge of Islam, readily came forward with illustrations to show that several religions were replaced by another after a thousand years. They pleaded that the Religion of the Arabs had completed its term and that the followers of the Arabian Prophet (Place be upon him) now needed a new Faith to pattern their lives according to the changed conditions. Such thoughts are very often a product of speculative thought which wants to rid itself of every moral obligation.

Now you can imagine the dangers involved at that time. The new movement had as its symbol the very man whose arms were invincible in India. He had emerged successful in every battle fought by him, had never come across any defeat or discomfiture. He was young and courageous, the descendant of a man as ambitious as Taimur and as strenuous as Babur. He as not only the Emperor of India but also one of the most intelligent and sagacious rulers to leave his mark on the pages of history.

What was the result? The closing decades of the tenth century foreshadowed the decline of not merely Islamic political power in this country but also an end to its religious and spiritual supremacy. It also forebode that the vacuum created by Islam’s departure was to be filled by others.

The 3 Attempts to Steal the Body of the Prophet (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) in History

You might have heard some people asking where is the body of Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam)? Well, everybody knows the body of Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) is buried inside Masjid al Nabawi in his chamber under the green dome. They ask this question because Non-believers have made many attempts to steal the body of Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) in history.

In this specific writing, we will talk about the first attempt made to steal the Holy Body of Prophet Muhammad  (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) from the Green Dome in Madinah. However ALLAH Almighty arranged a great defeat for all such morons.

Historians have reported three attempts made by the Non-Believers to steal the Holy Body of Prophet Muhamad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam).


Nur ad-Din Mahmud Zangi (Rahmatullahi Alayh)’s Dream

Some Christians planned to steal the body of Prophet Muhammad S.A.W in 557AH. It was the time of a very pious Muslim ruler Nur ad-Din Mahmud Zangi. The commander of his soldiers was Asad ad-Din Shirkuh the uncle of Great Salah ud Din, the one who conquered Jerusalem.

One night Nur ad-Din Mahmud Zangi was blessed with a dream and he saw Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam). The Holy Prophet pointed at two people of red color hair (at their heads) and Said, “Mahmud, Save Me from them” .

Al Zangi (may Allah Bless him) woke, offered prayer and slept. He saw the same dream again. He got up from the bed again, offered prayer and tried to sleep and saw the same dream for the third time . He then called his advisor Shaikh Jamal ud Din, and discussed the matter with him.

He Left for Madinah Immediately

Shaikh advised him to go to Madina immediately and asked him to not to relate the dream to anyone else. Nur ud Din Mahmud Zangi took his advisor with him and a Historian Majd al Din. The caravan comprised thousands of camels carrying expensive gifts on them.

Mahmud Zangi reached Madinah from Syria in sixteen days. He directly went to Masjid al Nabawi where he offered prayers.

He Arranged a Feast for Everyone

With the consultation of his advisor, he summoned all the people of Madinah in order to present them with alms. Nur ud Din Zangi looked carefully at each of the visitors but could not see those he saw in a dream. He inquired if all the residents have received the alms.
The people replied in Yes. He asked them again and some people told him that there are two pious people who don’t accept any alms. They feed the needy people generously, observe fast on regular basis, perform tahajjud and offer salah day and night and once a week they visit Masjid al Nabawi.

He Recognized them Immediately

Nur ud Din ordered the two to be presented to him. They were exactly the two people he saw in the dream. He recognized them immediately and asked them why they are here.

They replied that they are Moroccans, came for hajj and wish to stay in Madina as neighbors of the Holy Prophet.
Nur ud din Zanki insisted them, to tell the truth, but they kept quiet.

There was a Tunnel directing to Prophet’s Sacred Chamber

He asked about their residence and went there. He inspected their residence near the sacred chamber and when an old rug was lifted, a wooden board was found and under that a newly dug tunnel.

The tunnel was approaching the Sacred Chamber. They got terrified and confessed that they are Christians and the king of Iberia sent them with a huge sum of money to steal the body of Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam).

They rented the house nearest to the Holy Chamber and used to dig the tunnel in the night and throw out the soil in the day.

He Ordered the Execution of Both

They also told that when they got near to the sacred chamber an earthquake shook the earth and a fearful thunder was observed. Nur ud Din Mahmud Zanki ordered the immediate execution of the culprits and thanked Allah who blessed him with the honor of saving the sacred chamber.

Arrangements made to protect the Holy Body of Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam):

After this attempt, Nur ud Din Zangi (Rahmatullahi Alayh) ordered a deep trench to be dug around the Holy Chamber and then filled it with melt lead so that nobody could ever reach the sacred chamber again.


The love for Prophet Mohammed (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) has always been a trademark of Muslims. This is the reason that non-believers of all the times targeted the Personality of Prophet (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) directly.

They tried to shake the belief of people on Him (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) and when they failed, they tried to cause harm to the Prophet (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam).

In this specific writing, we will talk about the second attempt made to steal the Holy Body of The Prophet Mohammad (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam) from the Green Dome in Madina. However ALLAH Almighty arranged a great defeat for all such morons.

Famous historian, poet, and geographer Ibn Zubayr explain the Second attempt. He says that he was in Egypt in 578 AH and he left Alexandria on the 8th day of Dhul Hijjah. He saw a big crowd coming out of homes to see the Roman prisoners.

These Roman Christians were brought in a humiliating way; they were tied with the camels with their faces facing the tails of camels. Ibn Zubayr was told about the activities of those prisoners in detail. The Syrian Christians built some boats and equipped them with weapons for war.

They headed to the sea and in their way, they looted many caravans of pilgrims and burnt many of their boats. They looted the trade caravans as well. They killed everyone they found in their way.

Haji Luhluh Destroyed them

They boldly announced that they are going to Madinah to steal The Holy Body of The Prophet (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam).

When they were at a traveling distance of one day, Haji Luhluh attacked them with a few Moroccan young people who were experts in the sea war. They killed some of the Christians and arrested the others.

They sent some prisoners to other places so the people can see them how they are being put to the sword. Some of them were also sent to the Holy cities of Makkah and Madinah.


Imam Muhammad ibn Jarir Al-Tabari describes the Third attempt. He says that Shams ad-Din Sawawab Lamti was the head of the people who served the mosque of the Holy Prophet (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam). One of the friends of Sawab was known to the ruler of Madinah.

Some people from Halab bribed the ruler: One day his friend told Shams ad-din Sawawab that some people from Halab (Syria) have bribed the ruler and have demanded the Holy Bodies of Abu Bakr (May Allah be pleased with him) and ‘Umar (May Allah be pleased with him) the ruler of Madinah has agreed with them.

Soon after this news, the ruler called for Shams ad-Din and told him that some people will come at night and he has to open the door for them and let them do whatever they want to. Shams ad-din got worried.

Someone knocked on the door: After the doors were closed after ‘Isha prayer, someone knocked on the door, Baab al-Salaam.

Ruler’s house was in front of this door. Shams ad-din opened the door and 40 people carrying torches and equipped with equipment for demolishing buildings entered and headed towards the sacred chamber. The earth split suddenly and all of them were buried there with their equipment.

There was no sign of their presence on the ground. After some time, the ruler called him and asked if the people have arrived. He told the ruler the whole happening.

The ruler was astonished and demanded Shams ad-Din to not to tell the incident to anyone else. This incident is also reported by Abu Mohammad Abdullah Marghani.

Muslim world in a great panic as some unbelievable and terrifying news was being heard. It was reported that few people were of the view to remove the Holy Bodies from the Sacred Chamber and demolish the Sacred Green Dome.

But Allah wanted to keep the Holy Bodies safe and they are safe till today and will remain safe until the Day of Judgment.


Heresies of Dara Shikoh

Dara Shikoh was the son of Shahjahan and the brother of Aurangzeb, the propagandists in the social media paint a picture that he was executed by Aurangzeb as “unjustifiable” and “oppressive”, but this is far from the truth and isn’t compatible with recorded facts. This post is an exerpt from the book Saviours of the Islamic Spirit where its author Maulana Abul Hasan Ali al-Nadwi (rahimahullah) highlights the heresies of Dara Shikoh:

It would not be fair to depend on the court historians of Aurangzeb’s reign for condemning Dara Shikoh as an apostate from Islam nor the war of succession between Dara and his brothers could be conceived as a struggle between Islam and infidelity, nor yet was it a conflict of ideologies and philosophies. Dara’s own writings, however, confirm the charge of his contemporaries, both Muslims and non-Muslims, who allege that he had discarded the essential dogmas of Islam and wanted to renew Akbar’s electicism. This mystic prince had unfortunately fallen under the spell of the pseudo fake-sufis like Mian Mir, Mulla Shah and Sarmad. It did not take him long to claim that he was an ‘Arif Kamil, a knower through God, and to declare that “the wealth of divine knowledge is not bestowed on every person, but it has been bestowed especially on me”.[1] By the time he was in his late twenties, he had developed hatred towards dogma and (Islamic) orthodoxy: he wrote to an eminent mystic saint, Shah Dilruba, in a letter, “Esoteric Islam has ceased to influence the mind of this meek-hearted and the real esoteric infidelity has shown its face to him”.[2] In his streak of egoism and self-commendation, Dara often indulged in aphorisms and mystical utterances repugnant to Islamic beliefs and practices. He argued that distress or calamity made the prayer necessary for the immature, while an ‘Arif Kamil, as he was, had no need of prayers. Accordingly, he had suspensed with the prayers and fasts enjoined by Islam.[3] Meanwhile, his studies of Sanskrit led him to Vedenta and Yoga philosophy, to Hindu rituals and mythology. Fascinated by mystical pantheism he wanted to renew Akbar’s syncreticism. The Holy Qur’an he found enigmatical, its meaning hidden and the Upanishads as the original revelation in which Quranic verses could be found in entirety.[4] Dara kept the company of Brahmins, yogis and sanyasis and regarded them as true masters of wisdom. As a contemporary historian has reported, “He considered their books… …the word of God, and …… employed himself in translating them…….More specifically, Dara had taken up the Hindu name Prabhu (Lord) and inscribed it on the rings which he wore, he had given up the prayers, fasting and other obligations imposed by the law……It became manifest that if Dara Shikoh obtained the throne and establi shed his power, the foundations of the faith would be in danger and the precepts of Islam would be changed for the rant of infidelity and Judaism.”[5]

The Muslim chroniclers’ accounts could be coloured by their prejudice, but there are also corroborative evidences left by contemporary Hindu writers about the censurable beliefs and conduct of Dara Shikoh. Sujan Singh writes in the Khulasatut-Tawarikh, “………Data Shikoh being inclined towards the religion of the Hindus, associates with Brahmins, yogis, and saniyasis, and regards them as his guides and protectors, and looks upon their Books, known as Veda, as ancient and revealed from God, and spends his precious time in translating them, and composing poems in Hindi; calls them “tasawwuf,” and, in stead of the name of God, he has inscribed Hindi names which denote Reflection of God to Hindus, on diamond, ruby, and other stones, and puts them on as a charm and has discarded fasting and prayers and the ways of a Musalman; has usurped power—determined to pay respect to His Majesty.”[6]

Dara’s thoughts and behaviour, portending renewal of Akbar’s religious eclecticism, which were never kept secret by the conceited prince, must have caused serious misgivings to the Indian Muslim society, and provided a God-send opportunity to the practical and astute Aurangzeb to take advantage of the situation. It is also quite reasonable that the Muslim scholars, right-minded sufis and their disciples, would have recoiled in horror at the thoughts and doings of Dara for they had been a witness to the indignities heaped on Islam and the Muslims during Akbar’s time. They would have been sympathetic or rather actively helped the Prince whom they knew to be virtuous, God fearing and the defender of orthodox faith.[7]

The final outcome of the war of succession is too well known to be recounted here. Aurangzeb ascended the throne in 1068/1659 and ruled over the country for half a century.


[1] Dara Shikoh, Risala Haqnamah, Litho, Newal Kishore Press, p. 5

[2] Fourth letter to Shah Dilruba in Faiyyaz-ul-Qawanin cited by Bikramajit Hasrat in Dara Shikoh: Life and Works, (Shanti Niketen, 1953), p. 65

[3] Khafi Khan. Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Vol. I, pp. 717, 725 (Bibliotheca Indica Series; Elliot and Dowson); Muhammad Kazim’s ‘Alamgir Namah), Vol. VII, p. 179

[4] Sirrul Asrar (British Museum). In some Mss. the book bears the title of Sirr-i-Akbar. Also see Majma’-ul-Bahrain by Dara Shikoh, pp. 1,18.

[5] Mohammad Kazim, ‘Alamgir Namah, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 179

[6] Sujan Singh, Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, p. 58 cited from Aurangzeb and His Times, p. 48

[7] See for details Prof. Muhammd Aslam who has thrown light on the role played by the scholars and mystics in the victory of Aurangzeb in one of his essays included in the Tarikhi Maqalat.

ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺀ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ

ﺑﮭﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﮯ ﺷﮩﺮ ﭘﯿﻠﯽ ﺑﮭﯿﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺭﮨﺎﺋﺸﯽ ﺷﯿﺦ ﺭﺣﯿﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﮯ ﯾﮩﺎﮞ ﺳﻦ 1883 ﺀ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯿﭩﮯ ﮐﯽ ﭘﯿﺪﺍﺋﺶ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺭﮐﮭﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ ﯾﮩﯽ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺁﮔﮯ ﭼﻞ ﮐﺮ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﮐﮯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﺑﻨﮯ۔ ﺁﭨﮫ ﺑﺮﺱ ﭘﯿﻠﯽ ﺑﮭﯿﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺭﮨﺎﺋﺶ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﯿﺦ ﺭﺣﯿﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﮨﻠﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﺣﻮﺽ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﮯ۔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﮯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺣﺎﺟﯽ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﮐﺎ ﻧﮑﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﮧ ﺑﯿﮕﻢ ﺳﮯ ﮨﻮﺍ۔ ﺁﭖ ﺍﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﯿﮏ، ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ، ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮦ ﺍﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﮦ ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ، ﻣﺤﻨﺘﯽ، ﻭﻓﺎﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮧ ﻓﮩﻢ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ۔۔

ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﮐﮯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺍﯾﮏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺁﭖ ﮐﻮ ﺍﺩﻭﯾﺎﺕ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﭙﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﮩﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﮭﻮﮞ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺴﯿﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﮏ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﮞ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﮦ ﮨﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﻟﯽ۔ ﺍﺱ ﻋﺮﺻﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻃﺐ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮧ ﺑﮍﯼ ﮔﮩﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻃﺐ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻮﮞ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮧ ﺑﮍﯼ ﺑﺎﺭﯾﮏ ﺑﯿﻨﯽ ﺳﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﺁﭖ ﮐﻮ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﺳﮯﮔﮩﺮﺍ ﺷﻐﻒ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﻥ ﮐﯽ ﭘﮩﭽﺎﻥ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻠﮑﮧ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺁﺧﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮩﻮﮞ ﻧﮯ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺍﺗﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻧﮧ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﺑﯿﻤﺎﺭﯾﻮﮞ ﮐﯽ ﺷﻔﺎﺀ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮨﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮭﺮ ﺳﮯ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﺎﮞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ” ﺁﭖ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﯾﮧ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺎﮨﺮ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ”
ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺑﮍﯼ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﺳﮯ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮐﺎﻡ ﮐﺮ ﺭﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺍﻧﮭﯿﮟ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮨﻮﺍ ﮐﮧ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻥ ﮐﯽ ﺩﯾﺎﻧﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺷﮏ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻟﮕﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ۔ ﻏﯿﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻧﮯ ﯾﮧ ﺷﺒﮧ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﮯ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ 1904 ﺀ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎﺩ ﮈﺍﻟﯽ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺱ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﯽ۔ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﮐﻮ ﭼﻼﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﻧﮯ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﺳﮯ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﯿﮟ، ﺍﻥ ﮐﯽ ﺍﮨﻠﯿﮧ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﮧ ﺑﯿﮕﻢ ﻧﮯ ﮨﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﭘﻨﮯ ﺷﻮﮨﺮ ﮐﺎ ﮨﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﭩﺎﯾﺎ۔ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﭘﮩﻠﯽ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﯽ ’’ ﺣﺐ ﻣﻘﻮﯼ ﻣﻌﺪﮦ ‘‘ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﮧ ﺑﯿﮕﻢ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﻥ ﮐﯽ ﺑﮩﻦ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﮧ ﺑﯿﮕﻢ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﮞ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺎ ﮨﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﭩﺎﺗﯽ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ، ﺍﻭﺭ ﺳﻞ ﺑﭩﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﭘﯿﺲ ﮐﺮ ﮨﺎﺗﮫ ﺳﮯ ﮔﻮﻟﯿﺎﮞ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﯽ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ۔

ﺣﻮﺽ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺳﮯ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻠﯽ ﻻﻝ ﮐﻨﻮﯾﮟ ﮐﯽ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﺐ ﺍﺱ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﭘﯿﺪﺍ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺱ ﮐﻮ ﻻﻝ ﮐﻨﻮﯾﮟ ﺳﮯ ﺍﺱ ﮐﯽ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﯽ ﺟﮕﮧ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍﺍ۔

ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﯿﺪ ﮐﮯ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻃﺒﯿﺐ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﯾﮧ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮧ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺍﻥ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﮭﺎﺭﺗﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﮯ ﺍﺗﺮﭘﺮﺩﯾﺶ ﮐﮯ ﺷﮩﺮ ﺳﮩﺎﺭﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺳﮯ ﺗﮭﺎ، ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻭﮦ ﺩﮨﻠﯽ ﺁ ﺑﺴﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﮦ ﮨﺠﺮﺕ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺮﺍﭼﯽ ﺁﮔﺌﮯ۔ ﺳﻦ 2003 ﺀ ﺗﮏ ﻭﮦ ﮐﺮﺍﭼﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻘﯿﻢ ﺗﮭﮯ، ﺍﻥ ﮐﯽ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ‘ 120 ﺳﺎﻝ ﮨﻮﮔﯽ۔ ﺍﻧﮩﻮﮞ ﻧﮯ ﮨﯽ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺍﻧﭩﺮﻭﯾﻮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﯾﺎﺩﻭﮞ ﮐﮯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﭘﻠﭩﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺗﯿﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﯽ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺋﯽ۔ ﯾﮩﯽ ﻭﮦ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﮭﮯ ﺟﻨﮩﻮﮞ ﻧﮯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﮧ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﮦ ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ ﺩﯾﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔

ﯾﮧ ﺳﻦ 1907 ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎﺕ ﮨﮯ۔ﺍﺱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﮭﻠﻮﮞ، ﭘﮭﻮﻟﻮﮞ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﮯ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﯿﺎﺏ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﮔﻼﺏ، ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻝ، ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ، ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﺘﺮﮦ، ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﮐﯿﻮﮌﮦ، ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ، ﺟﻮ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﺗﺎﺛﯿﺮ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﺘﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭘﮭﻠﻮﮞ، ﭘﮭﻮﻟﻮﮞ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﻮ ﻣﻼ ﮐﺮ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺍﯾﺴﺎ ﺑﮯﻧﻈﯿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﮯﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺨﮧ ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ ﺩﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺟﻮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﮯ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﯿﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﭖ ﮨﻮ، ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﯾﺴﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﮨﻮ ﮐﮧ ﺑﭽﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺑﻮﮌﮬﺎ ﺗﮏ ﮨﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﮐﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺱ ﮐﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﮯ۔ ﺟﺴﮑﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺍﻧﮩﻮﮞ ﻧﮯ ﻧﺴﺨﮧ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮐﺮﮐﮯ ﺍﺳﮑﻮ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﯾﮩﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺗﯿﺎﺭﯼ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮨﻮﺍ۔ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﮯ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ، ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮧ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺴﺨﮧ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﯿﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺳﻤﻮ ﺩﯾﺎ۔ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺗﯿﺎﺭﯼ ﭘﺮ ﮨﯽ ﺍﻥ ﮐﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺳﮯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﮯﺟﺎ ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﮐﯿﺴﯽ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺣﯿﺮﺕ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎﺕ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﺴﺮ ﮐﺮﮔﯿﺎ ﻭﺭﻧﮧ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻤﻐﮧ ﺣﺴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺍﻧﮉﯾﺎ ﮐﮯ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﻭ ﻟﯿﺒﺎﺭﭨﺮﯾﺰ ﮐﯽ ﻭﯾﺐ ﺳﺎﺋﭧ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻥ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺤﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﮯ ﺍﻭﻟﯿﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﮧ ﺳﺎﺯ ﮐﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﺳﮯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﯿﺪﮦ ﭼﯿﺪﮦ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﺗﺎﺛﯿﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮯﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺟﮍﯼ ﺑﻮﭨﯿﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﮯ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺧﺮﻓﮧ، ﻣﻨﻘﮧ، ﮐﺎﺳﻨﯽ، ﻧﯿﻠﻮﻓﺮ، ﮔﺎﺅﺯﺑﺎﻥ، ﮨﺮﺍ ﺩﮬﻨﯿﺎ ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ، ﭘﮭﻠﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻨﮕﺘﺮﮦ، ﺍﻧﻨﺎﺱ، ﮔﺎﺟﺮ، ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺯ، ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ۔ ﺳﺒﺰﯾﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﭘﺎﻟﮏ، ﭘﻮﺩﯾﻨﮧ، ﮨﺮﺍ ﮐﺪﻭ، ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ۔ ﭘﮭﻮﻟﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮔﻼﺏ، ﮐﯿﻮﮌﮦ، ﻟﯿﻤﻮﮞ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﮕﯽ ﮐﮯ ﭘﮭﻮﻟﻮﮞ ﮐﺎ ﺭﺱ، ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮ ﺍﻭﺭ ﭨﮭﻨﮉﮎ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮯﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺲ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻝ ﮐﯽ ﻟﮑﮍﯼ ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ۔ ﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻋﺮﻗﯿﺎﺕ ﮐﻮ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ ﺳﮯ ﻣﻼ ﮐﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺗﯿﺎﺭ ﮨﻮﺍ، ﻭﮦ ﺑﻼﺷﺒﮧ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﮩﻼﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﮨﯽ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺗﮭﺎ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﮐﮯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﮯ ﯾﮧ ﺑﻠﮑﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻮﮞ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﮭﺎ ۔ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﮭﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺟﻮ ﺩﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯽ ﺩﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﻃﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﭘﺮ ﭼﮭﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ، ﺍﻭﺭ ﺁﺝ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒﺎ ” 110 ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺭﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺱ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﯿﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺁﺋﯽ۔

ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﺍﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﭽﭙﻦ ﮐﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﮧ ﯾﺎﺩ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺟﺐ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺗﭙﺘﯽ ﮔﺮﻣﯿﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺩﻭﭘﮩﺮ ﮐﮯ ﻗﯿﻠﻮﻟﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﭻ ﺑﺠﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ ﮔﮭﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺗﯿﺎﺭ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﯾﮏ ﮔﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺳﮯ ﯾﺦ ﺑﺴﺘﮧ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺷﯿﺮﯾﮟ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ، ﺟﺴﻢ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺍﯾﮏ ﻋﺠﯿﺐ ﺳﮑﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺭ ﭨﮭﻨﮉﮎ ﮐﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺟﮕﺎ ﺩﯾﺘﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮔﮭﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺑﻨﺘﺎ ﺗﻮ ﭘﮍﻭﺱ ﺗﮏ ﺍﺱ ﮐﯽ ﻣﮩﮏ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ ﺍﺱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﮈﺍﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺐ ﺳﮯ ﮔﻮﯾﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﻮ ﺳﻮﺗﮯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﯾﮏ ﮔﻼﺱ ﺩﻭﺩﮪ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﯿﻦ ﺑﮍﮮ ﭼﻤﭻ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﮔﻮﺭﺍ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ، ﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﯽ ﺳﮑﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺁﺝ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻗﻠﻔﯽ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺩﮦ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﮈﺍﭦ ﻟﮕﺎ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮭﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻓﺮﻭﭦ ﮐﺮﯾﻢ ﭼﺎﭦ، ﻓﯿﺮﻧﯽ، ﮐﺴﭩﺮﮈ، ﮐﮭﯿﺮ ﻭﻏﯿﺮﮦ ﭘﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﮩﮏ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺮ ﺩﯾﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﭙﺘﯽ ﮔﺮﻣﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻟﻮ ﺳﮯ ﺑﭽﺎﺅ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﺎ ﺛﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ۔ ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺯ ﮐﮯ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﻠﻨﮕﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻔﯿﺲ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺗﯿﺎﺭ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻮﮌ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺟﺎﮨﻞ ﻟﻮﮒ ﻟﺴﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ ﺩﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﮔﺮﻣﯿﻮﮞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﺮﺑﻮﺯﮮ ﯾﺎ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﮯ ﮔﺮﻣﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺩﺭﻣﯿﺎﻥ ﺳﮯ ﭼﺎﮎ ﮐﺮ ﮐﺮ ﺑﯿﺞ ﻧﮑﺎﻟﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺱ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﮏ ﭘﯿﮏ ﺑﺎﻻﺋﯽ ﮈﺍﻟﯿﮟ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺱ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮈﺍﻝ ﮐﺮ ﭼﻤﭽﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮐﮭﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺰﮦ ﺁﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺍﺳﯽ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﭩﺮﺍ ﺑﯿﺮﯾﺰ ﮐﻮ ﮐﺮﯾﻢ ﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮈﺑﻮ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮭﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺁﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔
ﮔﻮ ﯾﮧ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﯿﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭨﮭﻨﮉﺍ ﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﮦ ﮔﺮﻣﯿﻮﮞ ﮐﮯ ﮨﻮﮞ ﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﮌﻭﮞ ﮐﮯ، ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺍﯾﮏ ﻻﺯﻣﯽ ﺟﺰ ﮐﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﺭﮐﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﮭﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻮﮞ ﮐﯽ ﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺁﭖ ﮐﻮ ﻻﺯﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺤﻔﮯ ﺗﺤﺎﺋﻒ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺟﻮ ﭘﮭﻠﻮﮞ ﮐﺎ ﭨﻮﮐﺮﺍ ﺟﺲ ﮐﻮ ﮈﺍﻟﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺑﻮﻻ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ، ﺍﺱ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺁﭖ ﮐﻮ ﺳﺖ ﺭﻧﮕﮯ ﭘﮭﻠﻮﮞ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻮﺗﻞ ﻻﺯﻣﯽ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ۔ ﻣﮩﻨﺪﯼ ﻣﺎﯾﻮﮞ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯿﺠﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﻭﺍﻟﯽ ﮈﺍﻟﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻮﺗﻠﻮﮞ ﮐﯽ ﺟﻮﮌﯼ ﻻﺯﻣﯽ ﺳﺠﺎﺋﯽ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺍﺏ ﺳﮯ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﯿﺲ ﭘﭽﯿﺲ ﺑﺮﺱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺍﭘﻨﮯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﮯ ﺍﺷﺘﮩﺎﺭ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺩﻋﻮﯼٰ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻭﮦ ﺍﺏ ﺗﮏ ﺍﺱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﮐﯽ ﺍﺗﻨﯽ ﺑﻮﺗﻠﯿﮟ ﺗﯿﺎﺭ ﮐﺮ ﭼﮑﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺗﻠﻮﮞ ﮐﻮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﮯ ﺯﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺮ ﺭﮐﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺗﻮ ﭘﻮﺭﮮ ﮐﺮﮦ ﺍﺭﺽ ﮐﮯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺣﻠﻘﮧ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔

ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﮐﮧ ﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﻧﮧ ﻭﮦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮ ﮨﮯ ﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﮧ ﻭﮦ ﻣﻌﯿﺎﺭ۔ ﭘﮭﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺣﮑﯿﻢ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﮐﯽ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺑﮩﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﭘﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﯿﺎﺭ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﮐﮭﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺗﮭﺎ، ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺍﻥ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮔﻮﯾﺎ ﺍﭘﻨﯽ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﮨﻮﮔﯿﺎ ﺍﺱ ﮐﯽ ﺍﯾﮏ ﺗﻮﻭﺟﮧ ﯾﮧ ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﮐﯽ ﺗﯿﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﻣﮩﻨﮕﮯ ﺩﺍﻣﻮﮞ ﻣﻠﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﺴﮑﯽ ﻭﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ﺍﻧﮑﻮ ﮨﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺭ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﮐﻮ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﮭﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺍﻣﭙﻮﺭﭦ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔

Al-Nanawtawi’s Political Ideology

Al-Nanawtawi’s Islamic Political Ideology: Paradigms from Rudad, Sawanh Qasimi and other Selected Writings

Author: Dr. Atif Suhail Siddiqui*


Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi’s intellectual height is not limited to only Islamic religious sciences. At the one hand he is known as the most towering figure who revived Islam’s intellectual heritage in the Indian-subcontinent, on the other hand, he was also aware about the political and diplomatic loss of Muslims. He defended political and diplomatic affairs of the Muslims from Islam’s point of view. Al-Nanawtawi addressed not only the common people but also the Ulama and convinced them to raise concrete steps for defending the political hegemony of Muslims in their respective regions against the aggressive forces. This paper studies the religio-political arguments of Al-Nanawtawi, which he produced in the defense of his opinion and was successful to mobilize the larger section of elite and common Muslims in one political direction. This paper also gives a direction to develop ideas about the religio-political impacts of Al-Nanawtawi’s thoughts, which even until the modern period are most significant factor for different political movements among the present Muslim communities.


The most important factor in the development of Al-Nanawtawi’s personality is his balanced thought. As a political leader, he was actively engaged in war against British imperialism and wanted to liberate his home country from external aggression and occupation. Secondly, as a social reformist he initiated several social reform movements, and thirdly as a neo-philosopher, thinker and polemicist, he served knowledge and Islamic religious sciences. Thus, Al-Nanawtawi’s entire life was focused on three dimensions[1]. While his thoughts in religious, political and social reforms were single-dimensional and they were premised upon Islam’s fundamental teachings and traditions of Prophet Muhammad. The exceptionality of Al-Nanawtawi’s thought is its functionality in the practical fields of human life. Instead of merely philosophical ambiguity and gnomic, Al-Nanawtawi’s thoughts are pragmatic in social, religious and political arenas. His thoughts are erected upon the paradigms from the character (sIrah) of the Messenger of God and his pious companions.[2]

In the Battle of Shamli

In 1857 during mutiny of sepoys against British colonial regime in India Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi actively participated in an armed struggle. Armed participation against British imperialism is an important chapter of his life and movements.[3] The epicenter of the mutiny was Meerut Cantonment, where several sepoys raised weapons against their officers and killed them. This mutiny spread in different parts of North India and thus, Al-Nanawtawi did not remain uninfluenced.[4]

After the news of munity reached to Thana Bhawan,[5] Al-Nanawtawi’s spiritual mentor Haji Imdad Allah Muhajir al-Makki was elected Amir al-Mu’minin (the leader of the believers), while Al-Nanawtawi was elected Commander-in-Chief for leading the armed struggle against the British colonial forces.[6]

During famous battle of Shamli,[7]Al-Nanawtawi was injured[8], while one of his famous companions Hafiz Muhammad Zamin was killed.[9] Eventually, the Muslim empire of India came to an end, Delhi fell to the British. Also the battle of Shamli came to an end with loss of lives to both sides. Imdad Allah left permanently to Makkah, Al-Nanawtawi was declared a rebel and sought for trial in British court, which was feared into a death penalty. On the behest of his relatives, Al-Nanawtawi went to hiding, he spent three days in hiding. After three days, he came out from the hiding and said, “I cannot spend more than three days in hiding, because the sunnah of the hiding[10] is only three days.[11]” This statement of Al-Nanawtawi is an evidence of his religio-political aphorism, which he developed from the example of the life of the Messenger of God.

The Shamli battle did not bring desired results. Al-Nanawtawi changed his modus operandi; he alienated from direct political movement and avoided confrontation with the government, and he and his colleagues launched the movement of educational uplift of the Muslim society. Dar al-Uloom Deoband and other similar institutions were developed for protecting the religious ideologies of Muslims in India. Al-Nanawtawi though excluded politics from the curriculum of these institutions but the succinct mottoes of these institutes have broad explanations; according to the beliefs of Islam, he and his colleagues kept alive the spirit of struggle of independence and religious-political persuasions.[12]

Explanation for participation in the Battle of Shamli

Before the battle of Shamli, the Ulama were discussing the possible strategy against British forces but amid these talks influential scholar Shaykh Muhammad Thanwi disagreed with this formula that the Muslims should go in direct and armed confrontation with the British forces. He was of this opinion that in such pathetic and weak conditions, Muslims will only suffer from severe losses. This disagreement from such influential person was evidently affecting the opinion of a large section of community. Other leading Ulama tried to convince him privately and publicly but they were unable to force him to change his opinion. At the end in the presence of Imdad Allah Thanwi Al-Nanawtawi put his arguments, which Shaykh Muhammad Thanwi simply rejected. Shaykh Muhammad Thanwi said,

“In case all your arguments in favor of an armed struggle against British forces are accepted, but the major condition for jihad is to have an Imam. Where is an Imam, under whose guidance we fight?”[13]

Without thinking even a single moment Al-Nanawtawi immediately responded his question, he pointed out towards Imdad Allah Thanwi[14], because of his fame in Tadhkiyah and Suluk  Imdad Allah was the most revered personality of his time. Hundreds of Ulama and common Muslims already had paid their allegiance to him. Al-Nanawtawi said to Imdad Allah Thanwi that he was their leader in the affairs of religion, so he requested him also to take the responsibility of worldly administrative affairs and by holding the office of the Chief of the believers to settle their differences.[15]

Ashiq Ilahi further writes that Imdad Allah had to accept their offer.[16]At the end, Al-Nanawtawi questioned, “Are we weaker than the mujahidin of Badr?”[17] It made Muhammad Thanwi speechless. One single sentence of Al-Nanawtawi ended the confusion and disagreement.[18]

Al-Nanawtawi further suggested that all the important offices, which shall work under the Chief (AmIr), should be accordingly set. In the words of Al-Nanawtawi’s biographer,

Imdad Allah Thanwi was receiving the allegiance from the mujahidin as the Chief of the Believers (Amir al-Mu’minin). Muhammad Zamin was the flag bearer of the jihad, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi was the preacher, who was motivating the mujahidin, while Al-Nanawtawi was the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.”[19]

At the home, Al-Nanawtawi feared that he could also face opposition from his mother. He did not directly inform his mother about his participation in armed struggle against British colonial forces. At the first stage, Al-Nanawtawi explained the importance of jihad against the oppressors, he explained the importance of jihad from Qur’anic perspectives and the traditions of the Messenger of God, Muhammad (Peace be upon him and mercy of God) and the Sahabah. He motivated his mother and explained about the rewards to the parents who sacrifice their wealth and children in the path of Allah.[20]

After these explanations, Al-Nanawtawi informed his mother about his intention. He also included that, “Creatures’ opposition has no value in following the instruction of the Creator.”[21] The purpose was to make his mother aware that while neither they (Al-Nanawtawi’s parents) required him for personal services nor were they in need of his services,[22] in such a condition, if they try to stop him from jihad, it shall not be mandatory upon him to follow their instruction. Thus, he requested his mother, “I wish, you allow me to participate in jihad gladly and get full reward from Allah.”[23] His mother, who was a very pious and learned lady, said, “You are from Allah and I give you to Allah gladly.”[24]

A Review of Rudad: Support to Turks

In 1874 CE (1294 AH), Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi wrote a religious decree for supporting Ottomans against Russian Empire. A report (Rudad)was compiled regarding the efforts of the Ulama for collecting funds to support the Mujahidin in Balkan. These Mujahidin were the part of the Ottoman Empire and were fighting war against Russian aggression on the Balkan territories of Ottoman Empire. This report has great importance for understanding the religio-political philosophy of Al-Nanawtawi. In 1294 A.H., Al-Nanawtawi has written a detailed treatise in Farsi (Persian), in which he had explained the importance of this war including supporting the Turk-Ottoman army and especially to provide them financial support. This treatise was translated in different languages and was published in numerous newspapers and magazines.[25] It got vibrant support from the Ottoman Empire.[26]

In the first step, this report mentioned Russian attempts on Turkish-Ottoman territories and its negative impacts including the killings of Muslim men, women and children. Later, this report mentioned the importance of the Caliph’s authority, which is very important for the safety and dignity of the two Holy Shrines of Islam in Makkah and Madinah. This report forecasted the global harm of the Muslim community if the Muslim community decentralized; this centrality exists due to the Caliph’s regime.[27]Thus to support the Caliphate is must and compulsory. It is a religious obligation and duty, which every Muslim must fulfill. If the centrality of the Muslims is decentralized, the entire Islamic world will face the severe consequences.[28]

The Rudad (report) explained motivating factors with special reference to Islam’s teachings. This Rudad is a fine example of Al-Nanawtawi and his colleagues’ Islamic religious political ideology. It depicts their political perceptions strictly confined within the fold of religion; they did not allow any outside, secular or non-religious factor to pollute it.  The first factor is counted as Islam’s urge to support the oppressed. It portrays the Turk troops as the oppressed ones who were guarded for the protection of the Holy Shrines of Islam and a war has been imposed upon them. Now their lives are under serious threat and the Muslims should firmly stand to support them in dire needs.[29] Secondly, Muslim sensitivity on any issue related to Islam is one of the major factors behind the call to support the Turk forces.[30]Thirdly, it motivates Muslims to pay other Muslim brothers and fellows from the bounties of God, which they are enjoying without any hindrance. At the time of hardship of other Muslims, it becomes incumbent to support them from these favors.[31]Fourthly, it explains a hierarchy in actions, during the time of jihad the priorities are shifted. It is important to be aware about the priorities; thus, some actions become compulsorily primary and others become secondary. For instance, building mosques and serving the pilgrims can never be equal to fighting and spending in the way of God.[32] Fifthly, the Rudad explains from the worldly and Godly point of view. In case the Turks are fighting for mere worldly and political benefits even their support is compulsory. It strictly condemns the conjectures regarding intentions of Turk troops. It belongs to God only. Even they fight for worldly political gains, their victory would be better than the victory of the infidels in all circumstances.[33] Finally, from the then political circumstances in India this Rudad motivates Muslims to support Turks. During this war, the British regime was in support of Turks against Russia. It was a good opportunity to provide maximum support to the Turk forces.[34]

In the opinion of Al-Nanawtawi, his disciples and colleagues at that time, the most important task was to support Turk forces against Russian aggression and this task was more important than building the mosques and supporting the educational institutions. Even according to them, any other religious obligation became secondary against the support of Turks. Initiatives like building mosques and supporting educational institutions were not considered as important as to support Turkish forces, because they were seen as the catalysts that could help to maintain Islamic centrality and unity.[35]

Al-Nanawtawi decided to raise two steps in support of Turk forces and the regional Muslims in the fighting zones of the Turkish Empire. First was to provide financial support to the Mujahidin and the armed forces of Turkish Empire including the widows and orphans of the army personnel and common Muslims in Eastern Europe. This support, according to Al-Nanawtawi, would boost them on moral grounds and they will not feel themselves alone in their struggle and hardship. They should realize that their Muslim brothers in India are with them in their hardship and time of sorrow[36].[37]

Al-Nanawtawi was the first person who donated the first amount for the Turk forces. He donated the jewelry of his wife. This donation was given immediately after his marriage with the fair consent of his wife.[38]

The biographer of Al-Nanawtawi Manazir Ahsan Gīlānī describes this event as:

“At the first night after his marriage, he (Al-Nanawtawi) persuaded his wife for donating all her jewelerywith the noble purpose to support Turkish forces. His wife donated all her ornaments immidiately at that night. When his wife went to her father’s home and her father saw her without even a single peice of ornament, he questioned about the matter. When he knew about the fact, he purchased new jewelry for the daughter. But Al-Nanawtawi did the same with new ones.”[39]

The other people who were involved in collecting funds were Ahmad Ali Muhaddith of Saharanpur, Mazhar Nanawtawi and great jurist and friend of Al-Nanawtawi Rashid Ahmad Gangohi. These learned scholars of Islam have done their best efforts for collecting the funds. The collected amount was delivered to the Consulate of the Ottoman Empire in Bombay. This amount was sent in several installments.[40]

This collection was not limited to Deoband or local vicinities, on the behest of Al-Nanawtawi, it had become a national movement. Muslims, rich or poor, from each part of the country were collecting funds with zeal and enthusiasm, which was filled in them. This zealous effort was for saving and protecting the dignity of the Muslim centrality, which was associated with the centrality of the Ottoman Caliph. The total amount, which was collected and delivered to the Ottoman Consulate in Bombay, reached 1.2 million rupees[41]. During that period, which was of severe financial scarcity and economic anarchy in India, this amount was outstanding and historic.[42]According to the financial circumstances at that period, collection of this amount was unimaginable, even today this amount is believed to be a huge financial support to any cause.

After the amounts were received at the Ottoman Consulate, the receipts were delivered to the donors with this commitment that this outstanding donation will be published in Al-Jawa’ib[43]. Later on the amounts were received at Bab-i Aali; the then Prime Minister of Ottoman Empire Ibrahim Adaham sent a letter of thanks to Al-Nanawtawi and other elders of Madrasah Islamiyah ArabiyahDeoband (Dar al-Uloom, Deoband)on May 23, 1877 corresponding to Jamadi al-Awal 9, 1294 AH.[44]

After the success of the first step Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi motivated his disciples and colleagues for raising the second step and this was to join the Mujahidin and Turkish forces in Balkan. However, in contrast to the public call of financial support by everyone and by each individual the call to fight shoulder to shoulder with the Turk forces was not made public. Al-Nanawtawi knew that each individual is not capable to join the armed jihad, this service needs specific training and energy, thus, even having the enthusiasm for an armed jihad everybody is not capable to join the Turk troops at the fronts of the war.

Al-Nanawtawi further explains that an action becomes obligatory when there is a need of this action. Thus, joining troops for each individual Muslim neither is practical nor is mandatory. And in such case that the untrained individuals would bring damages more than the benefit, more important is they provide moral and financial support to the Mujahidin. In this decree, Al-Nanawtawi writes that motivating unarmed and untrained individuals for joining the troops at the fronts of war is not so important. More important is to provide the Ottoman troops with financial support. He was of this opinion that the numbers of the trained and official troops at the fronts of war is sufficient but for war expenditures financial support is obligatory. Al-Nanawtawi wrote that it is not possible that everybody can join the war and fight against the infidel forces but it is very possible that everybody can provide financial support according to his or her capacity. By quoting the Qur’an[45] Al-Nanawtawi wrote that Allah commands for both kinds of the jihad—with arms and with finance, and do not destroy yourself by hoarding the money while your brothers are in need.[46] In dire conditions, spending money for the cause of Allah is compulsory and there is no maximum and minimum limit of this support, and those who still are not willing to spend the money they could face harms in both of the lives.[47]

The ‘ulama decided to travel to Hijaz for getting better glimpse of the situation in Balkan. A huge number of ‘Ulama began traveling for Hajj. Sayyid Asghar Husayn writes that in Shawwal 1294 AH the elders of the ‘Ulama decided to travel for holy journey to Makkah. The leaders of the caravan were Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohi. Due to this famous leadership, a huge number of common people and ‘Ulama gathered. Hundreds of poor and rich religious Muslims planned their journey to Makkah.[48]He further writes,

“From India such a sacred group of people and popular caravan journeyed (to Makkah) that there is neither any example in the entire history nor is there any hope in the future.”[49]

Though during the Russia-Turk war, the British Government was in support of Turkey against Russia but it was also not easy to announce openly to travel for the purpose of jihad. The ‘Ulama were aware about the sensitivity of this journey from political and social point of view. Therefore, no direct announcement was done of this purpose that the ‘Ulama along with the common citizens ultimately aim to travel to Balkan after performing Hajj. Ashiq Ilahi gives an account of this fact,

“When common Muslims of India saw that all of a sudden a community of elite is moving towards Hejaz, so whoever could be able, they immediately agreed to join this caravan. Itself a belief developed in the mind of people that these people, for religious support but as a pretext to Hejaz, are actually travelling to Rome. For the side of Turkish Empire they will join voluntarily Mujahidin, and in whose fate is a martyrdom he will receive an eternal life.”[50]

In the Context of Religion Al-Nanawtawi’s Arguments to Support Turks against Russian Forces

Al-Nanawtawi’s original decree related to this war was published in several magazines and booklets at that time.[51] The original manuscript is preserved at Mufti Allah Bakhsh Academy, Kandhla, Muzaffarnagar. This decree was conceived as a motivating factor for collecting financial and moral support to the Turkish army against Russians. Al-Nanawtawi has written this letter to Maulana Ahmad SaÑId. In this letter, he explained the importance of this jihad, need to support the Turks and especially financial support by collecting the money. All his arguments are from the point of Qur’an’s view and prophetic traditions. He commences his decree with the support of the Qur’anic verse[52] and says that in situation of the aggression from the enemies jihad becomes eminent and according to the Qur’anic[53] measurements it becomes compulsory to provide support to the mujahidin.[54]

Al-Nanawtawi wrote a very brief annotation in this epistle and described the verse[55] of the Qur’an. Al-Nanawtawi explains in the light of the verse that despite necessity the people who do not emigrate from a state, which is a Dar al-Harb, they fall in the class of the infidels. Al-Nanawtawi gives further support to this argument from al-Tawbah[56] and explains that such people who are no more in state of consociation, they are no more firm believers (mu’min).Furthermore, in desperate situation support of downtrodden people becomes deontic and obligatory. For fulfilling this deontological duty to follow the fundamentals of Iman and maintaining the state of consociation is compulsory. So in such a condition support to the mujahidin becomes deontological and obligatory.[57] In case solidarity between infidels[58]against Islam, a consociation amongst Muslims is compulsory. It is also obligatory upon Muslims to stand firmly for protecting the sanctity[59] of the holy shrines in Makkah and Madinah.

Al-Nanawtawi counts three reasons for supporting Ottoman Empire and the Ottoman caliph. First reason is infidels’ expeditions against Muslims and the Qur’an[60] advocates this support against the invaders, secondly, because Muslims seek support from other Muslims[61] and thirdly, for protecting the sanctity of the Holy Shrines in Makkah and Madinah.

Some of the opponents have questioned the nature of this war. Some people believed that this war was not a religious one (jihad Fi sabil Allah), it was merely a political war. Al-Nanawtawi answered their doubt. Other than Allah none knows the intentions of any one. If someone blames us that our prayers and fasts (Salat wa sawm) are for show (riya), how would we justify it? Similarly, none has the right to question the Jihad of Turk forces. If prayer (Salat)means to face towards qiblah and performing the actions of the prayers, thus, jihad means Muslims fight against infidels. If for jihad a sound intention is required similarly for Salat a good intention is also required. If the intentions of the Turks are not good, how is good your intentions? What is proof of the bad intentions of the Turks and how would you prove good intentions of yours?[62]Furthermore, there is a hope of good reward from Allah on the payment to a non-Muslim architect of a mosque, so why will there not be a reward on the financial support to a mujahid, even suppose in his intention he is fighting for worldly benefits? By the efforts of an architect, the religion is served and the house of Allah is built. Similarly, a mujahid protects the religion and implications of his efforts remain long lasting which help protect the religion (din).[63]

Further to support his decree, Al-Nanawtawi wrote a comparison between few verses of the Holy Qur’an.[64] Elaborating these verses, Al-Nanawtawi wrote that the most important compulsion upon a Muslim is to sacrifice his life, if it is not so, a Muslim must sacrifice his wealth and as per the least action a Muslim should donate some of his wealth to please his God. Al-Nanawtawi ends his decree by explaining that our life and wealth both are already of God. The verse, “they fight in the path of God”[65]absolutely indicates the compulsion of fighting in the cause of Allah and avoiding it is just like denying a King on his public call for a special kind of support even the King is fully capable to protect his sovereignty without any outside support, but those who will defy King’s call will face the wrathof the King.[66]

Impact of Al-Nanawtawi’s Religio-political Thoughts upon the Later Generations of the Ulama

Al-Nanawtawi’s political thinking brought massive and most significant impact on his most distinguished disciple Shaykh al-Hind Mahmoud Hasan. At the time of Sepoy’s Mutiny in 1857 Hasan was not in the contact of Al-Nanawtawi. But during the Russia-Turk war he closely watched and observed the activities of his teacher and other eminent Ulama. At that time Hasan was a young man, who was fully aware about the sentiments of his teacher. Later he could trace the roots of the political ideas of his teacher and contemporary Ulama, they were striving for independent cultural, political and social identities of Muslims not only in India but everywhere in the world.[67] These thoughts, which were developing Hasan’s personality, played very important role in the future, they helped him to develop as an Islamic political leader and freedom fighter for India’s independence. In original sense Mahmoud Hasan did not inherit Al-Nanawtawi’s intellectual legacy only, but in true sense he was the original and the only interpreter of Al-Nanawtawi’s religio-political ideology.

In the later age, India’s prime political leaders and freedom fighters got ideological strength from Mahmoud Hasan. The very prominent leaders like Ansari, Ajmal Khan, Muhammad Ali, and Abul Kalam Azad were influenced by Mahmoud Hasan. Among these political leaders, Ansari paid allegiance to him.[68]

The growing political tussle between the British regime and the Muslims in India and the Balkan war of 1912 provided an opportunity of the establishment of Nazarah al Ma’rif. This was an ideological training center with the aim of keeping alive the spirit of religious political ideas among Muslim youths.[69]

An impression of Al-Nanawtawi’s training is evidently witnessed upon his most distinguished disciple and student Mahmoud Hasan. Mahmoud Hasan was detained by the British government. In Feb 1917, he was sent to Malta because of his anti-British government campaign in India and his rapidly growing influence.[70] He was released from Malta jail in March 1920.[71]After his arrival back to Dar al-Uloom Deoband a decree (fatwa) about Non-cooperation Movement was asked from him. Mahmoud Hasan asked his three distinguished disciples Mufti Kifayat Allah, Husayn Ahmad and Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani to write this decree. His disciples hesitated and requested that in his presence it is not possible for them to write a decree. Shaykh al-Hind Mahmoud Hasan replied,

“Sentimentally, I am filled with full hatred against the English people. Therefore, I am not confident that I shall do justice and it would be against Qur’an’s instruction—[72]“Stand out firmly for Allah, as witnesses to fair dealing, and let not the hatred of others to you make you swerve to wrong and depart from justice.”[73]

Al-Nanawtawi left such paradigms, which helped his successors to reinstate the political influence of Muslims in the later stage. It included rebuilding the confidence of Muslim community.  After the fall of Delhi and failed mutiny of 1857, the aggressive British rulers got all kinds of superiority and advantages upon the conquered Muslim community. It has also changed the direction of British politics and diplomacy.[74]

According to the new policy of the new and colonial government, the last aggression was intellectual. It was decided now to defeat the Muslim community at intellectual level by raising questions on Islam’s viability and relevance.[75]Al-Nanawtawi was proved the most significant pillar in the defense of Islam’s intellectual heritage. He also changed his strategy, instead of fighting with sword, he designed new policy and it was to counter the intellectual aggression of British forces against Islam and Muslims. In the new policy of Al-Nanawtawi and his colleagues, they suspended entirely political ambitions. They were of this opinion that any political effort now would bring more serious disaster to the Muslim intellectualism. For them it was now the most important priority to protect the Islamic faith and Muslim beliefs from the new policy of the Imperial British Government.


In fact, Al-Nanawtawi was the last bearer of the legacy of Shah Wali Allah of Delhi. Al-Nanawtawi picked the essence of Shah Wali Allah’s cultural, social, political and religious thoughts and believed that Muslims cannot give up their right to rule the land of God. But the module of the governance of Muslims needs appropriate strategy and it is not merely diplomatic and political. He also observed that in the time of political suppression intellectual superiority, governed by a sublime Islamic ideology, should be maintained. At any rate, Muslims should never lose their link with their intellectual heritage; community’s connection with intellectual heritage is the best fight against social, political and cultural anomalies.

According to Al-Nanawtawi’s belief political suppression is timely, while intellectual loss is most disastrous and dangerous; its impacts are long lasting. Al-Nanawtawi insisted on the changing nature of strategy and policy. He himself produced the paradigms of changes. His life is categorized with three different phases. The first phase of his life is full of political struggle, while in the second phase, he changed his policies and engaged in polemics with Christian and Hindu missionaries and in addition continued several revival movements. The third and the most successful phase of his life is the intellectual and academic revolution, for which he became most famous. But in all three phases of his life, Al-Nanawtawi always was struggling for Muslim political and intellectual superiority.

Thus, the paradigms left by Al-Nanawtawi became footprints for his successors; they sporadically and permanently were engaged in different political movements. But none of his successors ever differed from the main maxim, which Al-Nanawtawi has set for them in the last stage of his life and it was Muslim inclination and absolute reversion towards religio-cultural heritage and it was preserved in the intellectual heritage of Islam.


* Dr. Atif Suhail Siddiqui is the founder president of Deoband Institute of Islamic Thoguht.

[1] Akhtar Imam Adil, Tahaffuz-e Din ke Masa’i-e Jamilah- Mawlana Nanawtawi—Ahad awr Khidmat, in Hujjat al-Islam Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi: Hayat, Afkar, Khidmat, (New Delhi: Tanzim Abna-e Qadim Dar al-Ulum Deoband, 2005), 114-115.

[2] Shams Tabriz Khan, Fikr-i Qasmi ke Chand Asasi Rujhanat, in Hujjat al-IslAm Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi: Hayat, Afkar, Khidmat, 125.

[3] For detailed biography of Muhammad Qāsim Al-Nānawtawī see, Manazir Ahsan Gīlānī, Sawānh-i Qāsmī, (Deoband: Maktabah Dārul Ulum, 1383AH); Muhammad Ya’qub Nānawtawī, Hālāt Janāb-i Tayyab Mawlvī Muhammad Qāsim Sahab (Bhawalpur: Matba’ Sādiqul Anwār, AH 1297); Muhammad Anwrul Hasan Qāsmi, Anwār-i-Qāsmī(Pakistan: Idārah Sa’diyah Mujaddadiyah, 1969) and Nur al-Hasan Rāshid Kāndhalwi, Qāsim al-Ulum HaÌrat Mawlānā Qāsim Nānawtawī: AÍwāl wa Óthār wa Bāqiyāt wa Muta’lliqāt, (Muzaffarnagar: Maktaba-E Noor, 2000).

[4] Nadim al-Wajidi, “Hazrat Mawlana Qāsim Nānawtawī ki fikri Basirat awr Dawr-i Hazir men uski Ma’nwiyat”, in Hujjat al-Islam Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi: Hayat, Afkar, Khidmat, 135-136.

[5]Thana Bhawan is a small town in Muzaffarnagar District in the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh around 120 km from Delhi. During 1857 war of independence Thana Bhawan became the center of strategy against British colonial forces which ultimately turned in the famous Battle of Shamli, which took place between the forces of Haji ImdAd Allah and Britain. See, Shaykh Muhammad Ikram, Tarikh-e Hindustan Mawj-e Kawthar, (Delhi: Adabi Dunya, n. d.), 196, Husayn Ahmad Madani, Naqsh-i Hayat,(Deoband), 43, Sayyid Muhammad Miyan, Ulema-I Hind ka Shandar Mazi, v. 4, (Karachi: Maktabah Rashidiyah, 1986), 281.

[6] Husayn, 43.

[7] Shamli is a city and district headquarters in the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, it became the battle ground between the forces of Mujahidin, led by Haji Imdad Allah and Al-Nanawtawi against British colonial forces in 1857. The battle of Shamli is one of the important chapters in India’s freedom struggle. See Manazir, v. 2, 121-204

[8] A bullet hurt him, but the injury was not serious. It was recovered very soon. See, Muhammad Ya’qub Nānawtawī, Hālāt Janāb-i Ùayyab Mawlvī Muhammad Qāsim Sahab (Bhawalpur: MaÏbaÑ Øādiqul Anwār, AH 1297), in Nur, 202.

[9] Ikram,196.

[10] Al-Nanawtawi here refers to the Messenger of God Muhammad (peace be upon him and mercy of God). The Holy Prophet went on hiding for three days in Thawr Cave enroute from Makkah to Madinah. See Manazir, v. 2, 173.

[11] ManāÐir, v. 2, 49. The arrest warrant remained effective until the British Government announced clemency against those who were declared rebels throughout the country. But Al-Nanawtawi’s name remained in the record of the British police, which always affected his activities. During the period of warrant, there were several police raids on possible hideouts. But Al-Nanawtawi could never be arrested. See, Muhammad Ya’qub Nānawtawī, in Nur, 202. Also his biographers, Manazir,  Ya’qub and others have given accounts of the events how always Al-Nanawtawiescaped from the arrests despite sudden raids on his possible hideouts. There is an interesting and famous account mentioned about his escape from arrest in Masjid Chattah by his biographers, Al-Nanawtawi was standing in the mosque, suddenly one police officer entered the mosque who did not know Al-Nanawtawi by face. The police officer asked Al-Nanawtawi “Did you see Muhammad Qasim?” Al-Nanawtawi moved two-three steps behind from his place and replied to the police officer, “Yes, Muhammad Qasim was standing here and pointed out the place from where he moved a few steps.” The police officer did not ask any further question and left the mosque quickly. His biographers write that he never spoke lie and God saved him due to his piety and pious intentions. See, Ashiq Ilahi, Tadhkirah Al-Rashid,v. 1, (Saharanpur: Kutub Khanah Isha’at al-Ulum, 2014), 120, Manazir, v. 2, 176-177. Al-Nanawtawi’s colleague Rashid Ahmad Gangohi writes that, “I was arrested because before the battle of Shamli I was confused and Al-Nanawtawi was never arrested because he was fully confident before the battle, God helped him because he was fully relying on the support from Allah.” See, Akhtar,116.

[12] Sayyid Muhammad Miyan, Ulema-e- Hind kA Shandar Mazi, v. 4, 287

[13] Manazir, 123.

[14] Imdad was the most revered personality of his time. His fame was due to his piety, which attracted thousands of common people and hundreds of contemporary eminent Ulema. They all paid allegiance to him. According to Al-Nanawtawi’s biographer, nobody could dare to oppose his name as the Chief, because he was fulfilling all the conditions, which a person requires for appointing as a Chief of the Believers. Thus, without any opposition all opponents of the battle of Shamli agreed to pay the allegiance to Imdad and agreed upon his leadership. See, Manazir, v. 2, 125-126.

[15] Ashiq, Tadhkirah Al-Rashid, v. 1, 114.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Muhammad Salim Qasmi, “Al-Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi ki Shakhsiyat ke imtiyazi pahlu”, in Hujjat al-IslAm Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi: Hayat, Afkar, Khidmat,71-72.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Manazir, v. 2, 127.

[20] Ibid, 129.

[21] Ibid. Also see the Qur’an, upon which Al-Nanawtawi made the premise of his  arguments, (Qur’an, 31:15)

[22] During the battle of Shamli Al-Nanawtawi was the young man of 25, his parents had not also reached to this age that they needed his services. His parents also not crossed age of 45, their health was absolutely fine, and his parents used to work themselves without any support and help.

[23] Manazir, v. 2, 129.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Nur, 146.

[26] In this report the letters from Al-Nanawtawi and the officials including Prime Minister of Ottoman Empire are described. This report is a fine example of how Al-Nanawtawi, his disciples and his colleagues were engaged in a conversation with the high officials of Ottoman Empire and in what manner the Ottoman Empire acknowledged this support. See, Rudad Chandah-i Balqan, (Meerut: Matba’ Hashmi, 1294 A. H.), 1-5.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Ibid.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Nur, 99-100.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Manazir, v. 1, 511.

[39] Ibid, 513.

[40] Through Rashid Ahmad Gangohi three installments of amount comprising of 784 Rupees, 87.5 Rupees and 200.25 Rupees were delivered to the Consulate of Ottoman Empire in Bombay, while Ahmad Ali of Saharanpur delivered total amount of 4230 Rupees in five installments. This receipt of amount was published in a report by the Consulate of Ottoman Empire, See, Daftar A’anat-i Hindiyah, (Bombay: Consulate of Turkish Empire in India, n. d.), 1-161; See also Nur, 103.

[41] The comparative value of the currency in the 80s of 19th century and first decade of 21st century is highly different. Now this amount is equal to more than 100 million rupees. See, Nur, 104.

[42] Nur, 103.

[43]Al-JawA’Ib was the official weekly mouthpiece of Ottoman Empire, which used to be published from Bab-i Aali (the administrative town or block of the Ottoman Empire). The first publication began in 1860.  Few copies of Al-Jawa’ib are preserved in the library of Nadwatul Ulema, Lucknow, India.

[44]Rudad, 10-11.

[45] Qur’an, (2: 195).

[46] Al-Nanawtawi, Makateb, op. cit.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Sayyid Asghar Husayn, HayAt-i Shaykh al-Hind, (Lahore: Idarah Islamiyit, 1977), 22.

[49] Ibid.

[50] Ashiq, Tadhkirah al-Rashid, v. 1, (Deoband), 229.

[51] Nur, 146.

[52] Qur’an, (2: 38).

[53] Qur’an, (8: 72; 9: 38).

[54] Al-Nanawtawi, Maktub ba silsilah-i Jang Rus wa Turki, (1294 AH),see in Nur, 149-150.

[55] Qur’an, (8:72).

[56] Qur’an, (9:71).

[57]Al-Nanawtawi, Maktub, opcit.

[58] Qur’an, (8:73).

[59] Qur’an, (9:28).

[60] Qur’an, (9:38).

[61] Qur’an, (8: 72, 8:73).

[62] Ibid.

[63] Ibid.

[64] Qur’an (9: 19-22, 9:111).

[65] Qur’an, (9:111).

[66]Al-Nanawtawi, Maktub, op. cit.

[67] Nur, 93.

[68] Sayyid Muhammad Miyan, Ulema-i Haq awr unke Mujahidanah Karname, v. 1, (Deoand: Faisal Publications, 2003), 93.

[69] Miyan, 93.

[70] Miyan, Safarnamah Asiran-e Malta, (Deoband: Kutub Khanah Na’imiyah, 2002), 73.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Manazir, 84.

[73] Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Meaning of the Holy Qur’an, (5:8).

[74] Akhtar, 118.

[75] Punjab and Sind, Miss NSS, 249, see in Nasim Ahmad Qasmi, “Hujjat al-Islam Mawlana Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi, Khidmat awr Karnamay”in Hujjat al-IslAm Imam Muhammad Qasim Al-Nanawtawi: Hayat, AfkAr, Khidmat,107.

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